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The Clock fuses both precolonial and postcolonial techniques of time-telling into an anti-colonial discourse to serve a nationalist polity. On the one hand, the Clock rejects the concept of universal time by resuming the logic of an imperial Drum Tower: it again presents an official schedule to an internal audience (i.e., to the people of Hong Kong as subjects of the People’s Republic of China). On the other hand, the Clock negates the notion of linear and continuous time by abolishing the movement of a mechanical clock. Its liquid crystal display of days and seconds are strictly momentary and self- sustaining. These flashing numbers dissociate the Clock from a durable mechanical or architectonic construction, but link it to a large family of computer screens, terminals, consoles, and other electronic signboards, which many theorists have related to the intensifying fragmentation and compression of time and space in the postmodern era. [11]

Both of Wu’s argument and my own share the view that the countdown clock represents a significant departure from the traditional mechanical clock, whether in terms of its relation to the notion of linear and continuous time or in terms of its position in the history of public time in China. However, our interpretations of the countdown clock are different. I disagree with his arguments that the countdown clock negated the notion of linear and continuous time and that the people of Hong Kong were the audience of the clock.

[12] No doubt that the sense of time represented by the countdown clock was related to the transformation of the meaning of Tiananmen Square as a public space. Wu argues that the clock as a „soft monument“ of the present (the 1990s) was „deliberately short-sighted and goal-specific, prepared only for a particular, current event“ and „its temporary but extravagant existence reflect[ed] a more specific, practical and fluid sense of time“ [12]. The sense of time of this „soft monument“ was strikingly different from that of „hard monuments“ of the past (before the 1990s) — such as the Monument to the People’s Heroes, Mao’s Memorial Hall, and the Gate of Heaven — that commemorated historical traditions and demanded faith [13].

[13] The time told and counted by the countdown clock, however, was neither a fragmented time nor an indication of the postmodern era, as discussed by the quoted work of David Harvey [14]. Instead, I argue that the notion of time entailed by the clock represented a political rationality on the basis of a new relation of counting to infinity. Consider the sequence of natural numbers: 1, 2, 3, …, etc. we could imagine counting this sequence indefinitely. However, the operation could not lead to the infinite, arriving there at some point in the future, because for every point reached there is always an infinite distance between where one is and the destination of infinity. Natural numbers are ordinal, i.e., denote rank only. This relation of counting to infinity is a matter of pure repetition. Natural numbers exhibit the ultimate stability [15]. When the traditional clock tells time on the basis of the sequence of natural numbers, clock time becomes stabilized through and as repetition. The counting of the Hong Kong countdown clock, however, was an operation of setting limits on natural numbers (not giving up the notion of linear and continuous time). Instead of counting the infinite sequence of 1, 2, 3, …, etc. and sustaining stability, the Hong Kong countdown counted a finite sequence of numbers to initiate changes. Thus, the countdown itself as an operation not merely kept the ordinal nature of numbers (the ranking function of numbers), but it also assigned value relative to every number in the sequence. In this way, while order was maintained, the possibility of change was created within the counted period of time.

[14] To understand the practice of the countdown as a political rationality, we must differentiate between National and parrot troid…ßbel….

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Best, Steven, and Kellner, Douglas (1991) _Postmodern Theory: Critical Interrogations_. London and New York: MacMillan and Guilford Press.

Dowling, William C. (1984) _Jameson, Althusser, Marx. An Introduction to „The Political Unconscious“_. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.

Foster, Hal, editor (1983) _The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture_. Port Townsend, Washington: Bay Press.

Hutcheon, Linda (1988) _A Poetics of Postmodernism_. New York and London: Routledge.

_____ (1989) _The Politics of Postmodernism_. New York and London: Routledge.

Kellner, Douglas, editor (1989) _Postmodernism/Jameson /Critique_. Washington, D.C.: Maisonneuve Press.

Sprinker, Michael (1987) _Imaginary Relations_. London: Verso.

_Diacritics_ 12 (Fall 1982); _Critical Exchange_ 14 (Fall 1983) and _New Orleans Review_ (1984) have special issues on Jameson’s work.

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